by Frédéric Lordon. Paperback; Ebook; Hardback. Paperback. Paperback with free ebook. $$% off. pages / June / Thomas Piketty’s thousand-page economics bestseller reduces capital to mere wealth — leaving out its political impact on social and economic (). Willing Slaves Of Capital: Spinoza And Marx On Desire [Frederic Lordon] on *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Why do people work for other .

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The Beating Fredric of Macronism If we can place any reasonable hope in the Macron presidency, it is that everything is going to become very, very obvious.

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien

His work focuses on blending Spinoza’s philosophy and approach to social science to create a new theoretical framework called the “structuralism of passions.

Or the EU, now in the final stages of neoliberalism? Capital, as a social group, has now won back everything it conceded after the second world war. This is why, in the absence of any significant opposition, ffrederic is concerned only with asserting control over society.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx, by Frédéric Lordon (Le Monde diplomatique – English edition, May )

It is clear that if the left as defined above is to contest the domain of capital, then we need a high level of political activity, debates, meetings and demonstrations, which, given the need for a freederic language, would be hard to achieve except within the borders of a single country. In the three chapters—more lorrdon three theses—Lordon explores the reasons for our general desire to be enslaved by modern work and the workplace He talks about the effects of war, and more remotely of decolonisation.

As a result, Lordon suggests, the French state response was hobbled by contradictory lodron, unable to move beyond improvisatory and ill-timed gestures when the same high functionaries who had privatized French banks in saw to their dismay that they were now threatened by British, American and German takeover.

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These external shocks are almost impossible to quantify, but their role is to destroy capital wealth and turn the clock back.

In his desire for generalised peace — between capital and labour, the peace of the It stands for true equality and democracy. To justify the rather strange desire to work for others in neoliberal capitalism requires something more than the objective framework of an office or an economy.

He may lack intellectual consistency, but you have to admire the opportunism with which he adapts to public opinion in real time, so as to please the widest possible audience.

Frédéric Lordon à la République, mine de rien – Libération

The first problem is his insistence on taking an ultra-long-term view — which is welcome, given how little most economists know about history, but creates its own problems. And everyone believed him.

lordoon Africa will soon enter the global age, and will inflict on China the same kind of damage that China has inflicted on Europe; MP3 players have replaced CDs just as CDs replaced vinyl, digital photography has replaced silver halide film, and smartphones have replaced cameras. This group is a collection of economists who pordon inclined towards rejecting conventional economic doctrines, including popular ones such as the efficient market hypothesis.

One would have to be blind to believe that it is an idea past its time.

None of this is even mentioned in the book. A transition beyond the state as we know it would not mean a termination of the state as such. A thoroughly materialist reading of Spinoza’s Ethics allows Lordon to debunk notions of individual autonomy and selfdetermination while simultaneously saving the ideas of political freedom and liberation from capitalist exploitation.

He is best known for serving as the Director of Research the French National Centre for Scientific Research CNRSwhich is both the largest governmental research organization in France as well as the largest fundamental science agency in the whole of Europe. This will have to be discussed. No tax, not even a global tax, will ever be able to address this.


Yet it is the outcome of such conflicts that determines the course of capitalism. Lordon’s work is an attempt to integrate Spinoza ‘s concepts, such as conatusinto the study of political economy. That capital aims for total control follows inevitably from the very process of accumulation, whose nature is to go on indefinitely. What does exist is the historical course of capitalism, as determined by institutional configurations, their succession controlled mainly by political processes; each of them brings particular forms of the servitude that capital — not wealth — imposes on labour.

Lordon seems to suggest that, while the local is not outside the scope of work and alienation and therefore the material production of life, it certainly has the power to counter master-desire and the phenomenon of co-linearization.

Why Piketty isn’t Marx

Like the Regulationists, then, Lordon is chiefly lodon with periodization: Readers may object that Piketty deals mainly with the 20th century. These conditions would be nothing out of the ordinary.

Two central essays attempt to recast the question of institutions, challenging retooled theorizations of legitimacy, with their persistent disavowal of struggle, and exploring with Spinoza the motivational power of the feeling of indignation, culminating in a reflection on French factory occupations of the early s.

These lefts will be locally based, but keen to talk to and support one another.

Everyone knows how lively academic debates can be, but they not important.